Invasion: Framing War Protestors at National Conventions

This study examines local press coverage of protests during the 1968 Democratic Convention, the 2004 Republican Convention and the 2008 Republican Convention. As hometown papers for the host cities of national conventions during times of war protests, the Chicago Tribune in 1968, the New York Times in 2004 and the Minneapolis Star Tribune in 2008 had key similarities and differences in their coverage of the protestors. Each paper utilized the protest paradigm to varying degrees in the construction of their stories about the protests. This study found that the Chicago Tribune in 1968 and the New York Times in 2004 developed the theme of an invasion of their respective cities by outsiders who threatened the social order. The newspapers emphasized the threat to social order poised by the protestors through reporting on violation of laws and on the disruption to the everyday lives of city residents. An unexpected finding of this study was that the Star Tribune had significant differences in its coverage compared to the other two newspapers and it varied from the protest paradigm in its coverage.

In the article, Framing Protest: The Chicago Tribune and the New York Times during the 1968 Democratic Convention (2005) Brasted compared the coverage of the protests in the Chicago Tribune and the New York Times during the 1968 Democratic Convention. In that article, Brasted found that both papers utilized the protest paradigm in their coverage of the protestors. However, framing differences were found to exist. Brasted found that the Tribune told the story of the protests from the perspectives of the Chicagoans in that the stories -framed the events in terms of an invasion of outsiders and a battle by police to maintain social order and protect the citizens of Chicago‖ (p.21). The protestors were depicted as the enemy of the citizens of Chicago. Brasted found little sympathy for the protestors expressed in the news stories or editorials of the Chicago Tribune. Although the stories in the New York Times adopted the narrative structure of a battle and disruption of the social order, they did not emphasize the theme of an invasion by outsiders.
In the article, Protest in the Media,

Research Questions
The research questions for this study are based on the findings of the previous research discussed. The analysis was guided by the following major questions (RQs): Tribune did not. Instead, the actions of the police and National Guard were framed as efforts to restore order. The demonstrators were reported as having disrupted the social order by leaving the park, blocking streets and acting violently toward the police. The Chicago Tribune repeatedly framed the police as protecting the public and maintaining order. The events in Chicago were treated as social disorder news in the Tribune. This theme is even found in the articles leading up to the convention that focused on how the protestors were a threat to order and how the police and National Guard were responsible for maintaining order.
The Tribune also developed this theme of a threat to social order by publishing articles that focused on the violation of laws by the demonstrators. These violations included being in the park past curfew, marching without permits, threatening police, throwing rocks and bottles at police, shouting -kill the pigs‖, using illegal drugs, and burning draft cards.  found that in 1968, -the Chicago Tribune ran more articles than the New York Times emphasizing the violent nature of the group and its leaders and the disruption to the social order through the violation of laws‖ (p.16).
The threat to social order was further underscored in the Tribune by developing the frame of an invasion by outsiders. On August 21, 1968 The Tribune reported that, -A New York City anti-war group will send busloads of demonstrators to Chicago on Monday to take part in two peace marches during the Democratic National convention, THE TRIBUNE learned yesterday‖ (p.16). Not only did the Tribune report on the influx of protestors to Chicago, but it also reported the increase in the flow of drugs into the city as a result of these outsiders.
The Tribune reported the seizure of illicit -drugs that had been brought to Chicago for hippie consumption next week from the west coast, the middle west, and the east coast‖ (Wiedrich, August 22, 1968 p. 3).
The reliance on official sources, such as Mayor Daley and other government officials, by the Tribune helped to further develop the perception of the protestors as outsiders. In commenting on the City's attempt to help arrange the demonstrations, Daley said, They have no right to come into the city and tell us what they are going to do. We don't permit our own people to sleep in the park, so why should we let anyone from outside the city sleep in the park. We don't permit our own people to march at night, so why should we let a lot of people do snake dances at night thru the neighborhoods (Schreiber, August 23, 1968 p. 11).
After the worst night of violence between protestors and police in Chicago, Mayor Daley, who was responsible for ordering the National Guard to duty, told a reporter, -I didn't invite those people there. We're using the guard to reinforce the police, not move them. I gave the order for the protection of the people of the city of Chicago‖ (  This editorial supports the framing of the protestors as outsiders who have disrupted the social order in Chicago. The actions of the police are supported because they are presented as an attempt to restore the order disrupted by the protestors.
An editorial the next day, August 29, 1968, further supported the actions of the police by detailing the potential threat that the protestors posed to the social order. According to the Tribune editors, The precautions were taken because the city received many warnings from radical leftists, student groups, and black power zealots. They threatened to have a million or more demonstrators here for the purpose of disrupting the convention and the life of the city. Some of the groups had plans to ignite widespread rioting. One battle plan Again the message is that the protestors are outsiders who deliberately planned to invade Chicago and disrupt not only the convention but the lives of Chicagoans. This theme of a threat to social order by outsiders was used repeatedly to justify and defend the actions of the police. This was illustrated when Mayor Daley said, -I would like to say here and now that this administration and the people of Chicago have never condoned brutality at any time, but they will never permit a lawless, violent group of terrorists to menace the lives of millions of people, destroy the purpose of this national political convention, and take over the streets of Chicago‖ (Schreiber, August 30, 1968, p. 4 here were very hospitable. They were wonderful hosts and whatever happened here that was unfortunate and unhappy is not due to the people of this city. I think the people here have the right to feel that they did a good job and they were the kind of neighbors that make all of us proud. Whatever trouble took place here was imported.' (Maclean, August 31, 1968 p.5) This framing of the trouble being imported from outsiders or non-Chicagoans was further

The New York Times-2004
The coverage in the New York Times paralleled the coverage in the Chicago Tribune in 1968.
As the hometown newspapers for the host cities, the coverage of the protests is very similar.
Prior to the start of the convention and the protests, each of these papers ran stories about the legal battles being fought in the courts by the protestors in regards to permits to hold rallies and marches. Just as the protestors in Chicago had been denied permits to march and protest in the park, so too were the protestors in New York City. The Times ran articles detailing the legal battle surrounding the requests by protestors to assemble in the park and the denial of these requests. One reason cited for the denial was concern for the preservation of the lawn.
In It is true that a handful of people have tried to destroy our city by going up and yelling at visitors here because they don't agree with their views,‖ Mr. Bloomberg said.
-Think what that says. This is America, New York, cradle of liberty, the city of free speech if there ever was one and some people think that we shouldn't allow people to express themselves. That's exactly what the terrorists did, if you think about it, on 9/11. Now this is not the same kind of terrorism but there's no question that these anarchists are afraid to let people speak out‖ (p.8).
Although the protestors in 1968 were referred to as terrorists by officials, being called a terrorist in post 9/11 America takes on new meaning. Not only were the protestors labeled as outsiders, but they were further distanced from New Yorkers by being compared to terrorists. Although there are similarities in the ways that the hometown papers of the host cities covered the protests, there are also some notable differences. One of the differences is that in the New York Times the theme of the city being invaded by outsiders is not limited to the protestors. My city is now being taken over by fear.'' (Scott and Connelly, Aug. 27, 2004, p.1) The order or flow of life for New Yorkers had been disrupted by the invasion of outsiders, both delegates and protestors, into the City who were not welcome by many. Like the Tribune in 1968, the Times incorporated the theme of an invasion of outsiders into the host city as a result of the convention. However, the Times expanded this theme to include the convention delegates as part of the invasion. In doing so, the Times was less supportive of the establishment and status quo then the Tribune had been in 1968. Rather than embrace the RNC, the Times acknowledged that they were part of the problem.
Another way that the Times differed from the Tribune in 1968 was in the number of articles that allowed the protestors to speak for themselves. The Tribune ran very few articles that quoted protestors and instead relied heavily on official sources. Although the Times did rely on official sources, it also ran a number of articles that quoted protestors. The articles emphasized the experiences of the protestors including their travel to New York, getting arrested, infiltrating the convention and hanging banners. Unfortunately, this type of coverage which emphasized events rather than issues did little to help foster an understanding of the protestors. Some of the coverage also deligitimized the protestors through an emphasis on appearance, disorganization and lack of leadership. For example, on August 29 Cardwell reported that, -As protest organizers scrambled through the last week of preparations, two major themes emerged: the leadership of the protest effort is deeply fractured, and the many groups flooding New York's streets are poorly coordinated and under no central control‖ (p.27).
Although the Times attempts to be balanced in its coverage by including articles about the protestors that allow them to speak for themselves, the result is not always a deeper understanding. By emphasizing events rather than issues, the coverage is not as balanced as it could be. By relying on the protest paradigm many of the articles actually delegitimize and marginalize the protestors resulting in support for the status quo.

The STAR TRIBUNE-2008
Like the New York Times in 2004 the articles in the Star Tribune in 2008 are event focused rather than issue focused. The coverage included accounts of the activities of the protesters and the police. Articles detailed the various protest marches including the numbers of people arrested as well as the attempts of the protestors to work within the law and the restrictions given them. A few stories also reported on how the police had prepared and trained for the influx of protestors. Chanen reported that, -Officers had practiced military formations, drilled with mounted and bike patrols, and worked on how to arrest a person who is resisting (Close Encounters, 9/6/08, p.03B) Although some military terminology like skirmish and showdown can be found in a few of the stories and incidences of violence are reported, the violent battle theme is not prevalent.
Interestingly, the protestors are not the only ones accused of violent acts, so too are the police.
Traditionally, police action is framed not as violence, but as an effort to maintain or restore social order. For example, it was reported that the national guard was called in -to help maintain order in some parts of St. Paul, and more than 280 people were arrested in showdowns with police or for acts of vandalism (For GOP, Diaz, 9/2/08, p. 01A). However, in some of the articles the actions of the police were framed as violence as well. Prior to the start of the convention the police conducted raids according to officials to prevent -anarchists‖ from perpetrating violent acts and disrupting the order (Police raids, Estrada et. was not arrested. ‗Everyone I know who's protesting is going to be peaceful,' she said. ‗I think the violence is caused by the cops‖ (Police raids, Estrada et. al,8/31/08,p. 14A). Some protesters even accused the police as the ones that were the threat to order.
Shamako Noble, president of Hip Hop Congress in San Jose and a member of the group that organized the peaceful Poor People's March on Tuesday that included about 2,000 people noted that hundreds of officers in riot gear lined the streets as they marched. He said that their demeanor, with tear-gas guns at the ready, seemed to escalate the situation rather than calm it. He noted that marshals from his own group successfully policed their march, getting protesters who shouted at police to move along (Security or repression? Furst and Lonetree, 9/4/08, p. 01S).
However, both officials and protesters identified a minority group of protesters as anarchists who were seen as threatening violence and posing a threat to the order. Kersten reported that, -Anarchists have been threatening to -shut down‖ both the convention and the Twin Cities‖ The break from a reliance on official sources in these stories represents a change from the template of the protest paradigm. Although a fair number of articles quoted the mayor, the police chief and other officials, the articles often balanced this with quotes from protestors and others. Because of a reliance on a variety of sources, the articles were less supportive of the status quo. Protest leaders and organizers were able to speak for themselves and offer their perspective. This is quite different from the coverage in 2004 that helped to delegitimize the groups through an emphasis on a lack of organization and leadership. The Star Tribune contained articles that actually highlighted the organization of the protest groups and their attempts to work within the establishment to plan their protests. For example, Estrada reported that, -A big concern of the antiwar demonstration leaders and their lawyers was that the route given to them by St. Paul police was too narrow, the turn-around in front of the Xcel Energy Center was too abrupt, and they would not be able to be clear of the X by 4pm, the deadline mandated to them by police‖ (Free speech, 9/2/08, p. 06S). This reflected the concern the demonstration leadership had in working within legal boundaries. Since a variety of perspectives including those of the protesters were provided in the stories the officials were unable to dominate the framing of the events. By quoting a variety of protest leaders and organizers, the articles also provided evidence of leadership of the protests and helped to legitimize some of the protest groups.
There is actually little evidence of the characteristic of the protest paradigm of framing the protestors as deligitimate, marginal or deviant. Overall, there is general support for the protestors in that there were many stories that allowed protestors to speak for themselves in coverage that seemed to be more balanced than usually found when the protest paradigm is used. The exception is when a minority of protestors labeled as anarchist were discussed.
Simply labeling these protestors as anarchists frames them as deviant. However, it should also be noted that some of these people were self described anarchists. Basically, two groups of protestors are included in the coverage, the peaceful ones, who were the majority, and the anarchists. Officials identified the deviance and threat of the anarchists. Quoting peaceful protestors' opposition and discontent with the anarchists also helped establish the anarchists The Star Tribune's coverage also breaks from the protest paradigm by not relying solely on official sources and definitions. As noted, a variety of sources including the mayor, other officials, protestors, leaders, organizers and community leaders were cited. This practice allowed for a variety of perspectives to be presented and the officials were not able to monopolize the framing of the events. There was also less evidence of framing the protestors as deligitimate, marginal and deviant. Only those labeled as anarchists were presented as deviant and a threat to the social order. The threat to the social order through an invasion of outsiders disrupting everyday life was not as prominent in the Star Tribune as it was in the New York Times. Only a few articles made reference to the inconveniences and disruptions created by the protestors and the convention with one referring to it as -the Siege of ‗08‖(Ah, fond memories, Coleman, 9/5/08, p. 07S).
Based on this analysis it would appear that a change has occurred in the way that the press covered protestors at the 2008 Republican national convention compared to 2004. In 2004 the New York Times utilized the protest paradigm in its coverage of the protests. In doing so, the New York Times was supportive of the status quo and framed the protestors as outsiders who had invaded their city and disrupted the order. Four years later the Star Tribune varied from the template provided by the protest paradigm. Additionally, the Star Tribune did not frame the protestors as invaders who threatened the social order.

Conclusion
As hometown papers for the host cities of national conventions during times of war protests, These papers also emphasized the role of the police in maintaining or restoring the order.
Although similarities were found, there were some key differences found between these two papers. The New York Times ran more stories about the experiences of the protestors allowing them to speak for themselves. The stories in the New York Times also treated the Republican National Convention and its delegates as part of the invasion of outsiders threatening the social order.
As the site of the 9/11 tragedy, New Yorkers were particularly sensitive to any disruption to the social order. Therefore, the inclusion of the RNC as part of the invasion and problem may have been a result of this. It is also possible that many New Yorkers did not welcome the Republicans since New York is considered to be largely democratic.
As has been demonstrated the New York Times utilized the protest paradigm in its coverage of the protests during the 2004 Republican National Convention. Of significant note is that four years later the Star Tribune varied from the template provided by the protest paradigm in its coverage of the protestors during the 2008 National Convention and was less supportive of the status quo. In allowing a variety of perspectives to be presented the Star Tribune presented the peaceful protestors as legitimate.
In the year that promised change, it would appear, at least in the case of the Star Tribune, that groups promoting it were acknowledged by the press.